Book Fifteen: 1812-13 - Chapter X

by Leo Tolstoy

　　The French army melted away at the uniform rate of a mathematicalprogression; and that crossing of the Berezina about which so much hasbeen written was only one intermediate stage in its destruction, andnot at all the decisive episode of the campaign. If so much has beenand still is written about the Berezina, on the French side this isonly because at the broken bridge across that river the calamitiestheir army had been previously enduring were suddenly concentratedat one moment into a tragic spectacle that remained in every memory,and on the Russian side merely because in Petersburg- far from theseat of war- a plan (again one of Pfuel's) had been devised to catchNapoleon in a strategic trap at the Berezina River. Everyone assuredhimself that all would happen according to plan, and thereforeinsisted that it was just the crossing of the Berezina thatdestroyed the French army. In reality the results of the crossing weremuch less disastrous to the French- in guns and men lost- than Krasnoehad been, as the figures show.

　　The sole importance of the crossing of the Berezina lies in the factthat it plainly and indubitably proved the fallacy of all the plansfor cutting off the enemy's retreat and the soundness of the onlypossible line of action- the one Kutuzov and the general mass of thearmy demanded- namely, simply to follow the enemy up. The French crowdfled at a continually increasing speed and all its energy was directedto reaching its goal. It fled like a wounded animal and it wasimpossible to block its path. This was shown not so much by thearrangements it made for crossing as by what took place at thebridges. When the bridges broke down, unarmed soldiers, people fromMoscow and women with children who were with the French transport,all- carried on by vis inertiae- pressed forward into boats and intothe ice-covered water and did not, surrender.

　　That impulse was reasonable. The condition of fugitives and ofpursuers was equally bad. As long as they remained with their ownpeople each might hope for help from his fellows and the definiteplace he held among them. But those who surrendered, while remainingin the same pitiful plight, would be on a lower level to claim a sharein the necessities of life. The French did not need to be informedof the fact that half the prisoners- with whom the Russians did notknow what to do- perished of cold and hunger despite their captors'desire to save them; they felt that it could not be otherwise. Themost compassionate Russian commanders, those favorable to theFrench- and even the Frenchmen in the Russian service- could donothing for the prisoners. The French perished from the conditionsto which the Russian army was itself exposed. It was impossible totake bread and clothes from our hungry and indispensable soldiers togive to the French who, though not harmful, or hated, or guilty,were simply unnecessary. Some Russians even did that, but they wereexceptions.

　　Certain destruction lay behind the French but in front there washope. Their ships had been burned, there was no salvation save incollective flight, and on that the whole strength of the French wasconcentrated.

　　The farther they fled the more wretched became the plight of theremnant, especially after the Berezina, on which (in consequence ofthe Petersburg plan) special hopes had been placed by the Russians,and the keener grew the passions of the Russian commanders, blamed oneanother and Kutuzov most of all. Anticipation that the failure ofthe Petersburg Berezina plan would be attributed to Kutuzov led todissatisfaction, contempt, and ridicule, more and more stronglyexpressed. The ridicule and contempt were of course expressed in arespectful form, making it impossible for him to ask wherein he was toblame. They did not talk seriously to him; when reporting to him orasking for his sanction they appeared to be fulfilling a regrettableformality, but they winked behind his back and tried to mislead him atevery turn.

　　Because they could not understand him all these people assumedthat it was useless to talk to the old man; that he would nevergrasp the profundity of their plans, that he would answer with hisphrases (which they thought were mere phrases) about a "goldenbridge," about the impossibility of crossing the frontier with a crowdof tatterdemalions, and so forth. They had heard all that before.And all he said- that it was necessary to await provisions, or thatthe men had no boots- was so simple, while what they proposed was socomplicated and clever, that it was evident that he was old and stupidand that they, though not in power, were commanders of genius.

　　After the junction with the army of the brilliant admiral andPetersburg hero Wittgenstein, this mood and the gossip of the staffreached their maximum. Kutuzov saw this and merely sighed and shruggedhis shoulders. Only once, after the affair of the Berezina, did he getangry and write to Bennigsen (who reported separately to theEmperor) the following letter:

　　"On account of your spells of ill health, will your excellencyplease be so good as to set off for Kaluga on receipt of this, andthere await further commands and appointments from His ImperialMajesty."

　　But after Bennigsen's departure, the Grand Duke TsarevichConstantine Pavlovich joined the army. He had taken part in thebeginning of the campaign but had subsequently been removed from thearmy by Kutuzov. Now having come to the army, he informed Kutuzov ofthe Emperor's displeasure at the poor success of our forces and theslowness of their advance. The Emperor intended to join the armypersonally in a few days' time.

　　The old man, experienced in court as well as in military affairs-this same Kutuzov who in August had been chosen commander in chiefagainst the sovereign's wishes and who had removed the Grand Dukeand heir- apparent from the army- who on his own authority andcontrary to the Emperor's will had decided on the abandonment ofMoscow, now realized at once that his day was over, that his partwas played, and that the power he was supposed to hold was no longerhis. And he understood this not merely from the attitude of the court.He saw on the one hand that the military business in which he hadplayed his part was ended and felt that his mission wasaccomplished; and at the same time he began to be conscious of thephysical weariness of his aged body and of the necessity of physicalrest.

　　On the twenty-ninth of November Kutuzov entered Vilna- his "dearVilna" as he called it. Twice during his career Kutuzov had beengovernor of Vilna. In that wealthy town, which had not been injured,he found old friends and associations, besides the comforts of life ofwhich he had so long been deprived. And he suddenly turned from thecares of army and state and, as far as the passions that seethedaround him allowed, immersed himself in the quiet life to which he hadformerly been accustomed, as if all that was taking place and all thathad still to be done in the realm of history did not concern him atall.

　　Chichagov, one of the most zealous "cutters-off" and"breakers-up," who had first wanted to effect a diversion in Greeceand then in Warsaw but never wished to go where he was sent:Chichagov, noted for the boldness with which he spoke to theEmperor, and who considered Kutuzov to be under an obligation to himbecause when he was sent to make peace with Turkey in 1811independently of Kutuzov, and found that peace had already beenconcluded, he admitted to the Emperor that the merit of securingthat peace was really Kutuzov's; this Chichagov was the first tomeet Kutuzov at the castle where the latter was to stay. In undressnaval uniform, with a dirk, and holding his cap under his arm, hehanded Kutuzov a garrison report and the keys of the town. Thecontemptuously respectful attitude of the younger men to the old manin his dotage was expressed in the highest degree by the behavior ofChichagov, who knew of the accusations that were being directedagainst Kutuzov.

　　When speaking to Chichagov, Kutuzov incidentally mentioned thatthe vehicles packed with china that had been captured from him atBorisov had been recovered and would be restored to him.

　　"You mean to imply that I have nothing to eat out of.... On thecontrary, I can supply you with everything even if you want to givedinner parties," warmly replied Chichagov, who tried by every wordhe spoke to prove his own rectitude and therefore imagined Kutuzovto be animated by the same desire.

　　Kutuzov, shrugging his shoulders, replied with his subtlepenetrating smile: "I meant merely to say what I said."

　　Contrary to the Emperor's wish Kutuzov detained the greater partof the army at Vilna. Those about him said that he becameextraordinarily slack and physically feeble during his stay in thattown. He attended to army affairs reluctantly, left everything tohis generals, and while awaiting the Emperor's arrival led adissipated life.

　　Having left Petersburg on the seventh of December with his suite-Count Tolstoy, Prince Volkonski, Arakcheev, and others- the Emperorreached Vilna on the eleventh, and in his traveling sleigh drovestraight to the castle. In spite of the severe frost some hundredgenerals and staff officers in full parade uniform stood in front ofthe castle, as well as a guard of honor of the Semenov regiment.

　　A courier who galloped to the castle in advance, in a troyka withthree foam-flecked horses, shouted "Coming!" and Konovnitsyn rushedinto the vestibule to inform Kutuzov, who was waiting in the hallporter's little lodge.

　　A minute later the old man's large stout figure in full-dressuniform, his chest covered with orders and a scarf drawn round hisstomach, waddled out into the porch. He put on his hat with itspeaks to the sides and, holding his gloves in his hand and walkingwith an effort sideways down the steps to the level of the street,took in his hand the report he had prepared for the Emperor.

　　There was running to and fro and whispering; another troykafuriously up, and then all eyes were turned on an approaching sleighin which the figures of the Emperor and Volkonski could already bedescried.

　　From the habit of fifty years all this had a physically agitatingeffect on the old general. He carefully and hastily felt himself allover, readjusted his hat, and pulling himself together drew himself upand, at the very moment when the Emperor, having alighted from thesleigh, lifted his eyes to him, handed him the report and beganspeaking in his smooth, ingratiating voice.

　　The Emperor with a rapid glance scanned Kutuzov from head to foot,frowned for an instant, but immediately mastering himself went up tothe old man, extended his arms and embraced him. And this embrace too,owing to a long-standing impression related to his innermost feelings,had its usual effect on Kutuzov and he gave a sob.

　　The Emperor greeted the officers and the Semenov guard, and againpressing the old man's hand went with him into the castle.

　　When alone with the field marshal the Emperor expressed hisdissatisfaction at the slowness of the pursuit and at the mistakesmade at Krasnoe and the Berezina, and informed him of his intentionsfor a future campaign abroad. Kutuzov made no rejoinder or remark. Thesame submissive, expressionless look with which he had listened to theEmperor's commands on the field of Austerlitz seven years beforesettled on his face now.

　　When Kutuzov came out of the study and with lowered head wascrossing the ballroom with his heavy waddling gait, he was arrested bysomeone's voice saying:

　　"Your Serene Highness!"

　　Kutuzov raised his head and looked for a long while into the eyes ofCount Tolstoy, who stood before him holding a silver salver on whichlay a small object. Kutuzov seemed not to understand what was expectedof him.

　　Suddenly he seemed to remember; a scarcely perceptible smile flashedacross his puffy face, and bowing low and respectfully he took theobject that lay on the salver. It was the Order of St. George of theFirst Class.